Translated into St’át’imcets

  Based on what you have discovered so far, how do you predict the following two sentences will be translated into St’át’imcets? (8) ‘I saw that chief’s house.’ (i.e., the meaning is ‘I saw [that [house that belongs to the chief]].’) (9) ‘I saw Mary’s chief’s...

Possessive DPs located in Spec

  Are possessive DPs located in Spec, DP in St’át’imcets? Say why or why not, referring to the data in (7). (7) Áts’x-en=lhkan ta tsítcw-s=a ta kúkwpi7=a. see-tr=1sg.su det house-3poss=exis det chief=exis ‘I saw the chief’s house.’  ...

The possessive morpheme

  Is the possessive morpheme -s in D in St’át’imcets? Say why or why not, referring to the data in (5)-(6) and possibly some data from above if you need it. (Tip: don’t focus on the fact that -s is a suffix and appears after the noun. That could be taken care of...

St’át’imcets

  Are demonstratives located in D in St’át’imcets? Say why or why not, referring to the data in (1)-(4). If you think demonstratives are not in D, where do you think they might they be? (1) Áts’x-en=lhkan ta tsítcw=a. see-tr=1sg.su det house=exis ‘I saw the...

Possessives in St’át’imcets

  In mini-lecture 5a-1 we saw that in English, possessor DPs are located in the specifier of DP, and the possessive morpheme -s is in the head of DP. We had already been placing possessive pronouns like your, my, his, etc. under the D node. Finally,...

Clauses behave like embedded or matrix wh-questions

We saw in tutorial 9 that there is a syntactic difference between embedded wh-questions and matrix ones, to do with Subject Auxiliary Inversion. Do relative clauses behave like embedded or matrix wh-questions in this respect? Give data to support your answer.