Descartes’ and Locke’s epistemological views are primary representatives of rationalism and empiricism, respectively. Describe their approaches to knowledge, including its source and how to test the reliability of knowledge claims.
Make sure to explain Descartes’ use of methodic doubt to find innate ideas and Locke’s establishment of the primary and secondary qualities.
How do these theories reflect or refute the cultural foundations of their times as they develop new philosophical views? Finally, as you compare their foundations, which one do you find superior as more relevant for contemporary student learning and why?
This essay discusses a conception of power which draws upon and synthesises the work of Karl Marx and Pierre Bourdieu. In doing so, the essay also invokes a related formulation of power – that of Gramsci – in presenting its final synthetic position. Throughout, there is consideration given to the way in which power articulates with a particular geo-political issue, where it is relevant and organic to so do. The issue explored in the essay is that of the ongoing Brexit negotiations, and the aftermath of the 2016 European Union referendum. The essay proceeds as follows. The first two sections offer an overview of Marxist and Bourdieu’s conceptions of power. These are then discussed alongside the insights offered by Gramsci on power, which is brought into the equation as it has a relationship with Bourdieu’s approach; from the resultant understanding of what power is, a synthesis of Marx and Bourdieu is offered, and discussed in the light of Brexit. Summary comments conclude the submission. Marx In their discussion of power and Marx, Nigam (1996) begins with an overview of how power has been defined per a range of theorists from multiple theoretical traditions – including Foucault, Parsons and Giddens – finding that there is a common understanding of power as a creative and productive force (Nigam, 1996, pp. 5-6). Power and action are positively linked in Giddens, for example, whereas in Talcott Parsons’ functionalist sociological paradigm, the existence of power as a social phenomenon is a prerequisite for social actors and institutions to enable “the fulfilment of consensually arrived at obligations necessary for the system’s survival” (Nigam, 1996, p.6). In that sense, power is not only positive and constructive, but that there is a need for consensus to legitimate it. Foucault is summarised by the same commentator in respect of also perceiving power in productive terms, albeit in terms which will have positives for some and negatives for others, in that “power is the way in which the action (of some) of action (upon others), makes a difference in any desired direction, toward achieving certain outcomes or ends” (Nigam, 1996, p.6). In each of these definitional approaches which the Marxist variant is then applied to, power is associated with the capacity for human actors to effect change, that there are forces both of resistance and of domination invoked, and that there will necessarily be constraints placed on some (or on some social groups) by others (or by their social groups) in the exercise of and creation of power (Eagleton, 2018, pp. 36-45). For example, this is made explicit in Marx and Engels’ The Communist Manifesto, in which there is a call to action made in strident terms, for those powerless under the mid-nineteenth century economic and social context of rapidly-urbanising Western European nations and of economies driven by factory production and of the extraction of profit – surplus value – from the powerless worker by the various middle and upper classes who own this new industrial mode of production (Marx and Engels, 2015, pp.1-47). The call is for rebellion, and for the working classes to tak>GET ANSWER