What is “Evidence Based Practice” and based on your practice or areas of health interest – what are possible questions to be asked (and answered)?
at working hard in education is compulsory to get a well-paid job and a better life quality. This largely contrasts with the culture of the white working-class, who commonly believe that their future aspects are dictated by the entrenched class system and are unable to move up the social ladder. This supports Buchmann’s (2002) idea that the types of parental investment (via embodied and objectified capital) would change depending on the countries culture and educational system. (cited from Yamamoto and Brinton, 2010, p.68). For example, rigorous entrance examinations for every level of schooling, followed by regular testing once within the school continues to be the central feature of Japanese education. (Yamamoto and Brinton, 2010, p.4). This means that it’s common for Japanese (and other East Asian) families to enrol their children into ‘shadow education’ that includes extracurricular exam preparations and tutoring as explained by Stevenson and Baker (1999, pp. 1639-57). A recent poll of over 2,500 secondary school children revealed that over half of Asian pupils have had a tutor, compared to just a quarter of white children. (The Telegraph 2017). However, it is worth noting that families who are in the top fifth of the income range in the UK are four times more likely to get a private tutor (Guardian 2015). This means that although some white students are receiving tutoring, it is mostly the white upper classes that can benefit from the increased help, resulting in the working-class getting lower levels of capital. This is not the case for East Asian families (especially Chinese) as they are shown to do consistently well no matter the class. In summary, the students who get cultural capital (the white upper-class and East Asians) become predisposed to an academic lifestyle and gain the skills and traits needed to succeed at university (e.g. hard-working, organised, determined) whereas the white working-class who don’t are left feeling as though they aren’t ‘made’ for higher education and lack the skills needed. Another feature that varies between the white working-class and East Asian cultures would be a difference in expectations for pupils and their achievements from both parents and teachers. As Schneider and Lee (1990, pp. 358-377) argued, the way in which a family would base their expectations and encourage the learning activities of their children is dependent on the parent’s personal economic and cultural experiences. East Asian parents would have experienced education for a longer period than white working-class parents who, many of which, would have gone straight into work at the age of 16. For East Asians these experiences mean that as a culture they have “placed a high value on education as a means for achieving upward mobility, social respect and self-improvement” (Lee, 1987- cited from Schneider and Lee, 1990, p.362). However, this is greatly different from the white working-class who, as Stevenson and Stigler (2006, p.21) argue, have highly misjudged ideas about the personal and economic investments involved in gaining high levels of academic achievement, especially regarding universities. This point about parental experiences and intentions for their child is crucial, as it’s been found that most children develop “self-expectations” based around what they know of their parent and teacher’s hopes for them (Schneider and Lee, 1990, p.362). Schneider and Lee (1990, p.362) also made the >GET ANSWER