Bob Rogers viewed Susan Day’s house, 7 Clover Road, Leamington (the house) on 27th July 2018. The house had been on the market for £210,000. Bob liked the house and before leaving the house he made an offer of £200,000, which Susan accepted. They also agreed that certain chattels would be included in the price of
£200,000. Susan listed these items on a piece of paper, which they both signed. An exchange of letters, which is set out below, then followed between Susan and Bob:
1 August 2018 Dear Bob
7 Clover Road Leamington
As we discussed when you viewed my house, on 27 July last week, I confirm that I will sell my house to you at the price of £200,000, to include the chattels that we discussed and listed.
Signed Susan Day
7 August 2018 Dear Susan
7 Clover Road Leamington
Thank you for your letter dated 1 August 2018, confirming our discussions when I viewed your house. I am still happy to proceed on this basis.
15 August 2018 Dear Bob
7 Clover Road Leamington
I attach to this letter the list of chattels, we drew up on 27 July, which we agreed would be included in the sale of my house to you.
Signed Susan Day
27 July 2018
List of Chattels to be included in sale of 7 Clover Road Leamington:
Blue leather John Lewis armchair Oak oval dining table
8 oak dining chairs Signed Signed
Susan Day Bob Rogers
A month elapsed since the date of Susan’s last letter to Bob, dated 15th August 2018, in which she had enclosed the list of chattels they had compiled and signed on 27th July 2018. She therefore telephoned him and he said he was no longer interested in the purchase of Susan’s house and that in any case they did not have a binding contract.
With full reference and analysis of the relevant law, advise as to whether there is a valid and enforceable contract between Susan and Bob. Your answer should include an explanation of what you would have done to ensure you had written a valid and enforceable contract, if you had been acting for Susan.
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Joblessness in 1930s Britain Disclaimer: This work has been put together by an understudy. This isn't a case of the work composed by our expert scholastic authors. You can see tests of our expert work here. Any assessments, discoveries, ends or suggestions communicated in this material are those of the writers and don't really mirror the perspectives of UK Essays. Distributed: Thu, 09 Aug 2018 Inspect the issues confronting families living in zones of high joblessness in Britain during the 1930s Presentation The between war period is genuinely one of a twofold edged progress. From one perspective, this period was to see the beginnings of transformation in numerous social establishments, (for example, marriage, family and the Church) that the people of the late Victorian time would have underestimated. The between war period (which gave the vital societal bases to the post-war production of the Welfare State) likewise observed monetary extension and an enhancement in welfare and expectations for everyday comforts; newborn child mortality relentlessly diminished amid the between war period, from 108 for every 1000 live births in 1913, to 53 by 1938 (Thorpe, p.57, 1994) and the appearance of mass commercialization and the across the board potential for relaxation and tourism among Britons, at the end of the day, corridor characteristics of a general public during the time spent modernisation (Stevenson, 1984). Then again, there is a darker side to this vision of unencumbered advancement. The between war period has been described forebodingly as "the demon's decade" (Stevenson, p.266, 1984). This appellation was offered by virtue of the picture this decade has of general joblessness, which prompted across the board impoverishment and Hunger Marches. The Wall Street Crash of 1929, which ended the American financial upsurge of the 1920s, prompted a worldwide monetary droop, and is the watershed for the mass joblessness that was to infest Britain during the 1930s; for the eighteen years between 1921-1938, the official figure for joblessness never fell underneath one million (Harris, p.203, 1994). England's most exceedingly bad years for joblessness were following 1931, an emergency year, in light of the fact that the fiasco of the Wall Street Crash of 1929 had sufficient energy to produce results. In the winter of 1932-3, joblessness achieved its most elevated crest, with just shy of three million specialists (speaking to a fourth of the enrolled workforce) jobless (Thorpe, p.88, 1994). Similarly as with any time of financial stagnation, joblessness carries with it a scope of thump on social issues for the nuclear family. Basic Unemployment Joblessness can be ordered as either repetitive or basic. The previous is the sort of joblessness that goes back and forth in stages. It is connected with the monetary cycle of blast and bust; when the economy is in blast, at that point joblessness in specific areas will briefly lessen, however the opposite additionally holds. During the 1930s, which saw a significant sensational monetary cycle of blast and bust, repetitive joblessness was dependably a huge and troublesome issue. In any case, the issue of repeating joblessness, being all the more instantly recognizable, is one that can undoubtedly cover a fundamental issue of auxiliary joblessness. This is the joblessness that still gets, in spite of any times of high monetary movement. For instance, even in those long stretches of pinnacle financial movement in the between war period, there was as yet an abnormal state of joblessness in the staple fare exchanges. For instance, even before the worldwide monetary emergency of 1929-1931, the conventional substantial businesses, for example, send building and coal-mining, additionally confronted elevated amounts of joblessness. By 1929, a fifth of all coalminers were jobless, and in like manner for those laborers in the iron and steel ventures (Stevenson, p.269, 1984). The basic joblessness in these sorts of overwhelming enterprises, maybe where a mine was relinquished or neglected, for instance, realized the run of the mill example of confined joblessness amid the 1930s. The time saw discouraged districts, where the nearby economy was subject to overwhelming industry. In a district, for example, the north-east, with a solid and consistent history of substantial industry, joblessness hit hard, as can be seen from the emotive Jarrow March to London, sorted out in 1936 by the nearby gathering, to attract regard for the issue of high joblessness, especially in the overwhelming business of ship-building (Thorpe, p.176, 1994). Neediness Contemporary reporters on 1930s Britain respected the high joblessness of their time as a startling new improvement. Subsequently, their tensions uncover themselves in the vast number of social examinations concerning the reasons for destitution (characterized as not having enough pay to look after wellbeing) and the effect of joblessness on families, and thereupon on social orders. These examinations brought issues to light of the predicament of the jobless, and to a substantial degree, gave the energy to the social change that unfolded after the Second World War (Harris, p.213, 1994). Neediness was not really a prompt outcome of joblessness: some jobless specialists found that their advantages gave a more reliable wage contrasted with what they used to acquire from shaky, regular work. In any case, this was just a minority. The greater part found that joblessness carried with it a drop in wage. In this manner, with the end goal to enhance their pay, numerous laborers depended on their reserve funds, or got themselves progressively dependent on different strategies with the end goal to make a decent living. In the meantime, it was discovered that joblessness was the major contributing element towards the destitution of a family: in 1936, Seebohm Rowntree found that 86.4 percent of the jobless families living in York were living beneath the neediness line (Harris, p.214, 1994). Wellbeing and Malnutrition As may be normal, one of the more quick results of living underneath the destitution line is intensified wellbeing and lack of healthy sustenance. Rowntree likewise made point by point examination concerning the wellbeing and diet of jobless families, and contrasted them and that of the people in general. His presumed that the groups of the jobless made due on an eating routine which was to all degrees more regrettable than that of those utilized (Rowntree, p.182-5, 1941). Different investigations of this period demonstrated that joblessness had prompted a higher rate of youth maladies (Harris, p.214, 1994), however it was hard to demonstrate indisputably that joblessness was altogether influencing contamination rates of neediness connected ailments, (for example, TB or iron deficiency). With everything taken into account, it must be convincingly demonstrated that joblessness had a significant impact on the measures of nourishment, driving now and again to extreme unhealthiness (Stevenson, p.283-4, 1984). Psychological well-being In spite of the fact that the principle focal point of much contemporary analysis was on the unfavorable impacts joblessness set on physical wellbeing, the decay of the psychological wellness of the jobless was additionally noted. When the investigation of brain science was beginning, pundits still assessed the unmistakable effect being out of work could have on confidence, and they additionally described the period following joblessness as falling into stages going from positive thinking that another activity could be found, to cynicism and conceivable self-destructive sentiments, when work was troublesome or difficult to get: Home Office Statistics of 1930 demonstrated that two jobless men were submitting suicide consistently (Stevenson, p.287, 1984) however care ought to be taken in crediting joblessness as the sole factor in suicide. Most likely joblessness had a section to play in the choice of a couple to submit suicide, however this is just the extraordinary of a general sentiment of disquietude, fatigue, misery and disgrace that went with the status of jobless. Numerous specialists, particularly the more talented white collar classes who got themselves jobless, revealed a sentiment of disgrace at winding up in that condition. A few men loathed to uncover their joblessness to their spouses, and attempted to hide it for some time as well as can be expected (Stevenson, p.286, 1984). End In managing a diffuse social issue, for example, joblessness, it is basic not to draw immovable authentic ends. Absolutely, speculations can be made, in that joblessness had a significant and enduring impact on the individuals who were constrained into this financial situation. In any case, joblessness, and the methods for dealing with stress used to manage it, implied diverse things to various individuals. It is likewise the situation that the related social issues connected to joblessness, to be specific those of destitution, lack of healthy sustenance and discouraged psychological well-being, are for the most part relative measures. It is consistent with say that the impacts of joblessness were felt so acutely exactly in light of the fact that expectations for everyday comforts had for the most part been on the expansion since the beginning of the twentieth century. It was, notwithstanding, the stunning social encounters of 1930s Britain that gave the impetus to the making of the Welfare State and other social reproductions after the Second World War, and lighted the post-war desire to make a superior, more fair, society for all.>GET ANSWER