What are some of the current trends that make up 21st Century Learning? What qualities and skills do you think a child growing up in a 21st century world would need? How would you support the development of these skills in your students?
In 2009 the SNP recognised 'the importance of the EU to Scotland', but affirmed that 'given the EU's role in many areas of government, Scotland needs adequate representation within the EU to negotiate directly for its own interests' (SNP 2009b:107). In particular, the SNP uses the need to protect Scottish interests in fields that are regulated by the EU as a reason for independence. During this period the SNP also formally adopted a positive stance towards the European single currency, with the policy that an independent Scotland would hold a referendum on Euro membership (Johnson 2009). Significantly, therefore, following the 2007 elections the SNP could no longer pay scarce attention to Europe. The SNP's priority to win independence could only be enabled by demonstrating to the electorate that the SNP was the only party that could defend and represent Scotland's economic and political interests in all institutional arenas (Tarditi 2010). Therefore, the SNP underlined how independence could give Scotland the ability to further its domestic powers through European relations. 5.4 Referendum reality In 2011 the SNP won a landslide electoral victory, forming a majority government in the Scottish parliament. This led to the Edinburgh Agreement in 2012 and the confirmation of an independence referendum, to take place in September 2014. The period since then can be characterised by the SNP's objective to win a 'yes' vote, and resultantly its willingness to make policy sacrifices to achieve the 'greater good' of increased electoral support for independence (Interview Cochrane 2013). The SNP maintains its pro-European stance during this period and confirms that following independence it would not wish to join the Euro following the Euro-crisis; 'Scotland would remain part of the EU. EU law doesn't allow for Scotland to be unilaterally kicked out on independence. And, EU law also makes clear that Scotland can't be forced to join the euro. We will continue with the pound, just as we do today' (SNP 2012). The Eurozone crisis heralded a U-turn in currency policy for the SNP, as support for joining the Euro dwindled (Economist 2012), as Smith (Interview 2013) puts it 'membership of the Euro is just not at the races presently because the public would never go for it'. A significant change in the SNP policy in this period was the stance towards NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organisation) which reversed in 2012. NATO is an intergovernmental military alliance, which the SNP has, historically, always been against, because it constitutes a system of collective defence using nuclear weaponry. As a social democratic organisation, the SNP is opposed to the use of nuclear weapons. However, in 2012 this changed following the reasoning that only three of members of the 28 in NATO currently possess nuclear weapons, and the 'idea that the SNP did not have a viable international position on NATO' it was all about credibility' (Interview Giugliano 2013). This illustrated the party's willingness to boost electoral success at all costs, and resulted in several SNP departures, and criticism by some who argued the move to be 'morally defenceless' (Ross 2012, Miers 2012). In the 2013 White Paper, a document Salmond outlines as 'the most comprehensive blueprint for an independent country ever published' (cited in Black 2013) the pro-European stance is reiterated: 'We will work in partnership with the rest of the UK inside the European Union. But we will be able to represent Scotland at the top tables of Europe as a constructive member state and stand up for vital Scottish interests' (SNP 2013:18) It states the importance for small nations to have a place in Europe. However the manifesto also states: 'The debate over Scotland's relationship with the EU is, however, one that will almost certainly feature in future Scottish election campaigns, with some arguing for a looser form of partnership' (SNP 2013:184) Therefore the party also sits on the fence, pragmatically making the point that in an independent Scotland, all eventualities are theoretically possible; as McEwen (Interview 2014) stated: 'the White Paper is all about the referendum' it's constructed in such a way to make the strongest possible case for the referendum' it's not really about the future' but the possibilities with independence' I wouldn't look to the White Paper for long term statistics'. 5.5 Conclusion Since the party became pro-European in the late 1980s it has articulated and supported this position, however, 'since the beginning of the 2000s the SNPs stance towards the EU cannot be defined as identical to that>GET ANSWER