Identify and clearly communicate the revenue sources and cost structures of one major full service network carriers.
Identify and explain the key financial performance drivers of either the Cathay Pacific Group or the Singapore Airlines
Analyse and describe the revenue and cost structures of either the Cathay Pacific Group or the Singapore Airlines Group over the period 2014 to 2017.
Analyse and discuss the annual trends as well as the and importance of non-flying revenues for either the Cathay Pacific Group or the Singapore Airlines Group over the period 2014 to 2017.
Identify the key factors that have affected the revenue sources and costs for either the Cathay Pacific Group or the Singapore Airlines Group over the period 2010 to 2015.
Analyse and discuss the annual profitability trends of either the Cathay Pacific Group or the Singapore Airlines Group over the period 2010 to 2015.
Identify and explain the key financial performance drivers of either the Cathay Pacific Group or the Singapore Airlines Group from 2010 to 2015.
Analyse and report on the annual cost structures , revenue sources and profitability of either the Cathay Pacific Group or the Singapore Airlines Group for the period 2014 to 2017.
Analyse and report on the current financial position of either the Cathay Pacific Group or the Singapore Airlines Group.
Demonstrate an understanding of either the Cathay Pacific Group or the Singapore Airlines Group key financial performance drivers for the period 2014 to 2017
Demonstrate critical analysis of the pertinent literature.
Relaxation is a territory of sociological examination that has, as indicated by numerous sociologists including Chris Rojek been ignored. The writing, positively in the nations of Britain and Australia, has been ruled by perspectives and speculations that fit into a Marxist system. 'Recreation' is compared against what is regarded its inverse, 'work.' In this article I will endeavor to illustrate a portion of that Marxist system and afterward censure what can be seen as its constraints along these lines, ideally, featured and seeing a portion of the suggestions fundamental for a further and more profound comprehension of the human science of relaxation. Marx's most fundamental start, that man in industrialist society is distanced from his own particular work, is likewise, obviously, the hypothetical supporting for Marxist ideas of relaxation. The change from more seasoned types of monetary markets to entrepreneur industrialisation constrained a faction in the work/relaxation relationship. "The recognizable proof of recreation as the circle in which needs are fulfilled and delight discovered at the same time makes work less defenseless to feedback as inadmissible and more notable as that which must be endured to 'gain' the flexibility of relaxation. Instrumentalism about work is incorporated with this implemented partition: 'recreation' is the prize to be won." This boundary is viewed as the guideline triumph, in a flood of moderately uncontested fights, of free enterprise concerning relaxation. The estrangement of work is made more mediocre by recreation exercises and interests. The possibility that one attempted to inhabit the end of the week, or outside of work, ended up common. Work turned into an unfortunate chore. The circle of relaxation, once made, offered the decision classes the chance to limit and control specialists lives further, in deceptive ways, pervading what should be 'free' time. "In the event that the average workers needs liquor and music, it will have them - yet just to be expended under certain conditions." Under the appearance of nurturing specialists rights and needs, and by setting up foundations of recreation, the prevailing decision classes could guarantee that time far from work was spent in exercises regarded proper. The purpose of this control was, obviously, to guarantee the profitability of specialists and along these lines propagate the entrepreneur advertise. A hung over laborer was of little utilize. "The foundation of relaxation as utilization… has additionally been of impressive significance." This was private enterprise's second awesome triumph with respect to recreation. The industrialist procedure, at its most central, is about utilization. By transforming recreation into a ware, to be purchased and sold and additionally utilized, income could be misused. The incongruity and false reverence of the circle of recreation, as far as anyone knows free of entrepreneur belief system, sustaining that philosophy with new roads of income, creation and proliferation, is appeared by Clarke and Critcher. The flexibility of relaxation is a false notion. "The much vaunted majority rules system of the commercial center lays on the fairly less just establishments of the significantly unequal appropriation of riches and income." Instead of protection from the way that decision is constrained, nay controlled, by the market, we, the purchaser, esteem what decisions we do have all the more. Decision in recreation is reduced by social division and unequal distribution."Those with generally more control over work have a tendency to have more control over their relaxation; class does not end at the processing plant entryway… sex even less so." Clarke and Critcher demonstrate an immediate connection between the estrangement of work, to an estrangement of relaxation, accurately in light of the fact that they conceptualize relaxation just like a side-effect of what we term as work. Recreation is characterized by work, caused by work and required in view of work in an entrepreneur modern culture. Protection from recreation models are, as per Clarke and Critcher, at last useless. The market can not totally control how relaxation items are utilized, the youthful particularly tend to utilize them in ways never imagined. This would be viewed as a site of obstruction with the exception of, "Such systems may alter however can't challenge the market/customer display. Before we can alter the significance and utilization of any item, we should first enter the market as purchasers to gain it." "In a way here and there reminiscent of the early Marx, Simmel contends that cutting edge generation isn't the site of inventiveness, of uniqueness, of pleasure." Marx expressed that specialists were estranged from their species being, their innovativeness, independence and eventually their pleasure. Simmel here echoes those slants. He additionally agrees that relaxation is an escape from such estrangement. "In this setting at that point, the historical backdrop of types of relaxation is the historical backdrop of work ... The weariness of our psychological and physical energies in work lead us to require just a single thing of our recreation; 'we should be made agreeable'; 'we just wish to be amused.'" These ideas are fundamentally the same as those of Marxist and neo-Marxist scholars, for example, Clarke and Critcher. Recreation is a reward for time spent working and the genuine motivation behind relaxation is to repair and unwind the specialist prepared to yet again be a valuable individual from the modern complex. "The circle of non-work, apparently that of recreation, can likewise be rounded out by utilization and by flow looking for what is new. Where a mass of customers has been made, products can be sold at their cost as opposed to their quality." It is to be noticed that in human science of the Marxist convention, and here in Simmel's own words, what constitutes relaxation in an entrepreneur society for the laborers is judged ethically bankrupt and estranging. Amount over quality, minor entertainment over the fulfillment of any more profound needs. Numerous scholars question this view. Wrestling would positively be dealt with in that capacity insignificant entertainment in a Marxist or Simmel convention, yet for Barthes, such 'low' culture replicates the 'species being' that they see as lacking from entrepreneur relaxation. The Marxist custom makes those judgements with almost no experimental proof. As Rojek states, "So far relaxation and different investigations have given little feeling of what individuals really do or feel in bars, gardens, kitchens, on pitches or bundle tours." The presumption of what individuals encounter amid recreation is hazardous.  In Freudian brain research, "A compelling verbal progress… easily replaces the… term 'relaxation,' with a substitute, 'pleasure.'" basically our reality, at the polymorphous perversity organize, starts as fun. The procedures of society, the principles of the self image, endeavor to confine that good times. "The universe of fun is repressed." Freud noticed the exemplary average self image, maybe best spoke to by Veblen's "Recreation class." For Freud, it was, " Just this 'objectivity' which advocated the utilitarian custom in brain research, and, survey the person as a purchaser instead of a maker, viewed delight as the outcome of having esteemed objects." Freud portrayed the Bourgeois sense of self as getting its pleasure from owning wares. This delight was recreation and relentlessly, in both certain and unequivocal ways, the subordinate classes were constrained to receive this view in light of the fact that, as Rojek brings up, "the thoughts of the common class are the decision thoughts in society." Curiously, Freudian brain science breaks with Marxist custom. The delight of fun isn't to be found in wares. Wares are the main type of relaxation since, under industrialist belief system all recreation is an item. Along these lines, responding to the mental need to escape from the distance of work, individuals look for energy from their items. "Utilization has turned out to be energizing… Possession, obviously, remains its essential, however need is held in abeyance." The demonstration of shopping in itself has turned into the fervor, the item itself holds less significance. Confirmation of this originates from, "The similar life span of present day merchandise (Which are) overpowered by the desire for constant newness." Freud, rather cynically, saw no genuine way out of this ideological trap, consequently his claim, "For therapy the humble helpful point of 'changing hypochondriac hopelessness into normal unhappiness.'" "Kelly contends that, 'If something must be done then it isn't relaxation' and that 'recreation is for the most part comprehended as picked movement that isn't work.'" Sociology is loaded with such ethereal and ambiguous meanings of exactly what precisely recreation is. Clarke and Critcher express that their work, "Does not endeavor to let go each one of those complex definitional inquiries concerning what is or isn't recreation. We don't trust that these inquiries can be illuminated by always expand expository juggling." H F Moorhouse disagrees with this. He raises the plain remarkable point that one could think of it as joyfully unmindful to lead an entire report without first characterizing what it is one is exploring. Clarke and Critcher depend on a 'plainly obvious' truth of what relaxation is. 'Plainly obvious' facts are, regularly, not as much as undeniable. They depend on good judgment thoughts, however sense for this situation isn't really normal. "It works with the shortsighted and stereotyped perspective of what most 'work' resembles, considering it to be devastated, routinised, deskilled and so forth… ..What is an exceptionally convoluted issue is oversimplified." For Moorhouse, their treatment of work is unrefined and their meaning of recreation fake. They cannot "To permit that paid work can be, for most, a wellspring of fulfillment, reason, inventiveness, subjective experience, thus on." This must be viewed as a shortcoming. Traditional suspicions of the idea of work and relaxation may never again be adequate. Clarke and Critcher express that they are composing amid a period (1985) of progress to 'post-modern' culture. On the off chance that one consider this claim important then it has pixie>GET ANSWER