address a contemporary organisational or business issue and apply research skills to identify, select and analyse 10 sources to form an annotated bibliography.
The issue and resources used in Assessment 1A will also form the basis for Assessment 1B – Forming an Argument.
When choosing a topic, consider the following:
Locate material (books, periodicals, white papers and other documents) that may contain useful information and ideas on your issue.
Briefly examine and review the items and select 10 that represent a variety of perspectives on the issue.
Write an annotation of 150 words for each reference summarising the central theme and scope. The annotation should include one or more sentences that,
evaluate the authority or background of the author
comment on the intended audience
compare or contrast this work with another you have cited
explain how this work illuminates your bibliography topic
In the contemporary era, it is perhaps in the zone between maintenance of certain signifiers of dominance and of the ability to navigate across multiple cultural landscapes with ease and authenticity which is where cultural capital – and therefore power – might be seen to lie (Matthys, 2014, pp.236-252). Bourdieu’s analysis of power in these terms offers a development from Marx’s in that it can be more clearly seen how power might be used, represented and protected in a society; capital exists in cultural forms as well as in the explicitly economic and political – though these articulate with each other – and it is in the cultural arena of life in which the centrality of lived culture, and of questions of taste, distinction, and of way of life – habitus, in Bourdieu’s own terminology – which is where power is exercised (Weininger, 2002, pp. 125-126). Synthesis In moving towards a synthesis of Marx and Bourdieu in defining power and how it might best be conceived, this section draws on insights from a post-Marxist commentator who concerned himself with the definition, exercise, and justification of power. Antonio Gramsci’s conundrum was that while socialist revolution made sense in terms of the real interests of the people, such revolutions had not taken place in industrialised countries – such as in the UK and Germany – where they were predicted to have arisen by Marx (Hoare and Sperber, 2015, pp.117-138). In considering this quandary, Gramsci concluded that it was not so much the overt political and economic aspects of power – backed by the repressive mechanisms of the police and the armed forces if so required – which held capitalist regimes in power, but a separate (though interlinked) form of intellectual and moral power, which he termed hegemony (Hoare and Sperber, 2015, pp.117-138; Jones, 2006, pp.41-56). Per Gramsci’s understanding of the operation of power and authority, the ruling stratum of society maintains its control not merely through coercive means, not through political and economic control in itself, but through maintenance and control of ideas, passing off as natural to others that which is constructed in the interests of the dominant minority. Thus, the construction of threats to which societies should unite against – the European Union in the contemporary contexts of Brexit – might be made to appear rational and clear, and crucially not merely being accepted unquestioningly by the people, but being made to appear as though such ideas are theirs (Simon, 2015, pp.22-30). While the concept of hegemony has been criticised as being an easy and at times catch-all solution to the problem of the lack of questioning of capitalist societies to the extent of revolution, there is nevertheless usefulness in the concept, not least when allied with those of the other thinkers privileged in this submission (Morton, 20>GET ANSWER