Write a 4 page paper in which you discuss the value of ratio analysis in decision making for health care organizations. Complete the following in your paper. Discuss the meaning of ratio analysis in healthcare. Pick one (1) ratio from each major group from the financial statements. Liquidity ratios (Current ratio, Days Cash-on-Hand, Quick Ratio) Profitability ratios (ROE, ROA, Total Margin, Operating Margin) Leverage/Capital Structure Ratios (Debt ratio, Equity ratio, Debt to Equity Ratio) Non-financial Ratios (Occupancy rate, payer mix, ALOS, Expense per discharge, FTE per bed, HMO penetration) Discuss the ratio and provide examples with calculations Evaluate the meaning of the calculations related to the financial health of the organization. Explain the factors that affect the results.
What is the contrast between blessing trade and market exchanges, and how would they both identify with sexual orientation relations? Presentation Karl Polanyi (1968), in his evaluate of the rules that underlie the formalist way to deal with financial investigation, endeavored to characterize the apparatuses by which the economies of 'conventional' social orders could be broke down. Fundamental to the substantivists' cases was the understanding that the presentation of cash obliterated indigenous social relations by presenting the thought of 'equivalencies of significant worth' where none had already existed. In this methodology, the substantivists were following the heritage of Marcel Mauss, who, in his original The Gift (1954), had contended that in contemporary and obsolete social orders as across the board as North America, Polynesia and Ancient Rome the presumptions of financial investigation, as utilized in clarifying business sector exchanges, were not important as these social orders were blessing economies. In this exposition, I will initially look at what Mauss implied by the term blessing economies, before giving a contemporary model from crafted by Usula Sharma (1984) who exhibits how a blessing trade might be instrumental in the subordination of ladies. In the second segment, I at that point take a gander at market exchanges and, by illustration on crafted by Maria Mies (1998), I uncover the gendered idea of the market. In the end, I problematise the division among 'blessing' and 'market' economies, recommending that both are weberian 'perfect composes' and that nor is completely satisfactory to represent the many-sided quality of both market exchanges and blessing trades, as both are profoundly implanted in social relations and subsequently in relations of intensity. Sexual orientation and Gift Exchange Marcel Mauss contended that in contemporary western culture we make a refinement between blessing trade and market exchanges, and that in the west we assume the previous to be free of commitments (Douglas in Mauss, 2000: vii). In any case, Mauss contended that the blessing in reality involves a commitment to reciprocate and along these lines makes ties among people and additionally gatherings. For Mauss, this type of economy contrasts from the 'impartial' and 'self-intrigued' trade of current social orders (Mauss, 2000: 75-6) and he trusted that all economies were initially blessing economies: '[t]he framework that we propose to call the arrangement of 'add up to administrations', from family to group [… ] establishes the most old arrangement of economy and law [&] shapes the base from which the ethical quality of the trade careful blessing has streamed' (Mauss, 2000: 70). A case of blessing trade is that of Northern India, and the Dowry framework as depicted by Ursula Sharma (1984), finish with common commitments and the formation of enduring ties. Sharma depicts a marriage framework whereby the group of the lady of the hour must pay an endowment to the group of the prep, making enduring ties between the two families, started on the capacity of the ladies' family to give: when they mastermind the marriage of a child, guardians don't simply anticipate the endowment they will get at the wedding. They anticipate the lady of the hour's family's broad ability to give (Sharma, 1984: 64). Despite the fact that, whenever asked, most members would depict the endowment as 'uninhibitedly given' in certainty off camera 'express bartering' happens (Sharma, 1984: 64). In a general public strongly partitioned, by sexual orientation as well as by age and station, power over what is given and the end result for these endowments once got is liable to division along lines of sex and age. Senior ladies in the family are in charge of 'seeing that commitments are met and appropriate relations looked after' (Sharma, 1984: 65), however when the blessings are of money, at that point it is the senior men who are most in charge (Sharma, 1984: 66). The ties made by the settlement may have extreme ramifications for the dis-enabled lady of the hour: '[d]owry supports and is supported by a social ethos in which ladies can be seen as items to be passed starting with one social gathering then onto the next', further, 'in India the fast expansion of endowments [… ] has prompted a circumstance in which ladies are more controlled by than controllers of property' (Sharma, 1984: 73). At long last, 'settlement passings' may happen when the men of the hour's family is frustrated with her endowment and plan to arrange a superior one for a second marriage (Sharma, 1984: 71). In any case, her feebleness is facilitated by time, as she moves to being an 'endowment taker' on the marriage of her children (Sharma, 1984: 72). In this way, we can see that in the blessing trade enduring connections are made, and that these relations are separated by age and sexual orientation. Sexual orientation and Market Transactions In this area I inspect the 'showcase exchange' through crafted by Maria Mies (1998), uncovering the gendered idea of the as far as anyone knows 'impartial' advertise. In a market exchange, as opposed to the trading of endowments which at that point makes enduring ties between individuals, it is assumed that in the trading of wares just a connection between things is made: 'the transactors are outsiders in a condition of complementary autonomy which continues after the exchange' (Thomas, 1991: 14). Such a comprehension is bolstered by our 'sound judgment' understandings of the diverse circles of trade: for instance, Paul Bohannan (1968), in his talk of the 'circles of trade' among the Tiv of Northern Nigeria, recognizes a comparative division in Tiv philosophy between the 'blessing' and 'markets'. The previous speaking to the development and continuation of social connections, while the later 'calls up no long haul individual relationship, and which is subsequently to be misused to as incredible a degree as could reasonably be expected' (Bohannan, 1968: 300); in this arrangement of connections, all things have a trade identical. All things considered, when I trade money for an item I don't feel myself to be integrated with a corresponding association with the businessperson. Nonetheless, Mies contends that as opposed to the formally free, atomistic people, occupied with uninvolved trade (Polanyi, 1968) of hypothetical radicalism, and thusly of much monetary idea, rather we find that on-screen characters are no less weaved in power relations than in the blessing economies laid out above. Undoubtedly, she contends that 'the exploitative sexual division is the social worldview whereupon the universal division of work is developed' (Mies, 1998: 4, accentuation included). In the first place, many have discussed the manner by which the general population circle is overwhelmed by men, yet Mies contends that it is in truth the unpaid work of the housewife, of minding and supporting inside the household circle (Mies, 1998: ix), or 'ladies' work', that enables men to be allowed to enter people in general domain (Mies, 1998: 31). Next, Mies contends that the 'housewifization' of labour not just naturalizes ladies' limitation to the private domain, yet in addition implies that her paid work is considered 'just advantageous' to that of her better half (Mies, 1998: ix): '[t]he procedure of proletarianization of the men was, along these lines, joined by a procedure of housewifization of ladies' (Mies, 1998: 69). At long last, Mies contends that third world ladies are esteemed by private enterprise as makers due to their 'deft fingers' and as they seem to be 'viewed as the most easygoing, manipulable work constrain' (Mies, 1998: 117): to put it plainly, due to credited sexual orientation generalizations. The representative progressive system of sex in this manner has material impacts as ladies are put in a monetarily helpless position and are packed in low paid, low maintenance work: ladies and their youngsters are the most financially hindered gathering over the globe. Further, ladies are bolted into a universal division of work whereby the 'third world ladies create not what they require, but rather what others [first world women] can purchase' (Mies, 1998: 118, unique accentuation). Thomson echoes this contention: '[e]veryone is currently tied up in a verifiable system of worldwide relations [… ] we are altogether made up for lost time in global relations of creation and apportionment which extend over the spaces isolating us' (Thomas, 1991: 8-9) and this universal connection of generation is gendered. End Nicholas Thomas rejects Mauss' contention that the economies of Melanesia and Polynesia can be viewed as 'blessing economies', which are hence restricted to the market economies of Europe. He contends that this division misses the way that these 'customary' economies are in actuality profoundly entrapped with the worldwide entrepreneur exchange (Thomas, 1991: 4): 'a more extensive scope of proof from indigenous Oceanic social orders recommends that there is a wide continuum between frameworks in which it is conceivable to substitute individuals for individuals, or nourishment for sustenance, and those in which an extensive variety of sweeping transformations are allowed' (Thomas, 1991: 4). Divisions, for example, Mauss makes, between 'blessing trade' and 'market exchanges' are a piece of the reification of contrast among 'us' and 'them' (Thomas, 1991: 34), further, 'the fabulous polarities quite often end up being doubtful' (Thomas, 1991: 27). Thomas contends that by investigating our ideas by means of the focal point of sexual orientation we can uncover the hypothetical imperfections or shortcomings that we may somehow or another miss (Thomas, 1991: 2) For Polanyi, the monetary circle – as characterized by the control of financial aspects – depends on a conflation of two unmistakable implications: the 'substantive' and 'formal'. 'The formal significance of monetary gets from the sensible character of the methods closes relationship [… ] it alludes to a clear circumstance of decision' (Polanyi, 1968: 122), though in the substantive definition 'the economy here is exemplified in establishments that reason singular decisions to offer ascent to associated developments that comprise the financial procedure's (Polanyi, 1968: 125). To put it plainly, formal financial aspects depends on the thought of formally free people, making reasonable monetary decisions.>GET ANSWER