How do the two forms of individualism Benne (2003) describes seriously challenge the church?
Benne does a great job of breaking down the threats of individualism to the church. In his text he states that “God founded the church in the past; his Spirit nurtures the church in the present and future” and that the church’s mission is to “bear witness of God” (2003, pg. 204). The church does this through “worship, baptism, Eucharist, marriage, vocation, hospitality, charity, among many others that gives them identity and definition as the people of God” (Benne, 2003, pg. 204). However, when we bring individualism into this community, we shift our focus away from teaching and passing on these traditions to others. Instead we shift the purpose of the church to focus on fulfilling our own selfish needs. Beene describes Utilitarian individualism as “turning the Christian faith into something that is useful for me” (2003, pg. 204). For this type of individual, the church’s purpose is to provide the individual with a moral boost, assist in supporting social life for the adult as well as their children, and to give the individual “insurance” of eternal life (Benne, 2003). This individual is not as concerned with learning the truth if it challenges their moral uplift. The other individualism described by Benne is Expressive Individualism. It “expects the church to fulfill their felt needs; to make the individual feel good about themselves”. Benne says that the individual wants to be “entertained, affirmed, and inspired up to the limits of their comfort zones” (2003, pg. 204). The danger to the church” is when certain traditions are picked apart for the pieces that fit the purpose of these individuals. The traditions lose their original purpose which is to bear witness of God. When this happens, the message ceases to be the God’s truth and therefore becomes very dangerous indeed.
How do they challenge society?
When members of society solely focus on the “what’s in it for me mentality” they hinder the pursuit for the greater good. However, Mark Goddard states in his article that societies that are driven by individuals. And those, such as the United States, tend to be optimistic as compared to societies that are more focused on the community as a whole (2002). The American Dream is embraced by our society and yet it is the example of the individual being able to achieve anything s/he can dream up. However, individualism can bring out an unhealthy competitiveness where people will compromise their morals and begin to view others as object to be conquered or to make the “ends justify the means”. When we as a society can balance drive of the individual with the needs of the community, we will see a great movement that will benefit us all.
How might you as an individual combat them in your own life?
As I mentioned above, I believe finding a balance is key. As the King Solomon discusses in the book of Ecclesiastes, there is a time for everything. There is a time when I need to work as an individual and there is a time for me to work for the community. I will, as a mom, need “me time” and I will need to spend my time and energy on my family. As an educator, I will need to focus on my professional development and at other times, I will need to focus on developing others. As a Christian, there will be times when I need to spend time in prayer talking with God about things that involve my spiritual growth and there will be time I spend time praying for others. King Solomon states in Ecclesiastes that “I know that there is nothing better for people than to be happy and to do good while they live. That each of them may eat and drink, and find satisfaction in all their toil—this is the gift of God” (n.d, verses 12-13). I believe in this statement, he shows how we “eat, drink and find satisfaction in our toil” to satisfy our individual self, but also that we “do good while we live” which is to help others in our community (Ecclesiastes, n.d, verses 12-13). King Solomon says, “This is the gift of God” (Ecclesiastes, n.d, verses 12-13). Finding balance is the key. We cannot allow individualism to rule our lives, but if used carefully, it can be beneficial to everyone.
Aside from a solid spotlight on the advancement of masculinity, autocracy was recognized by an insistent feeling of patriotism, a solid faith in the significance of race, a destructive resistance to socialism and the noteworthiness of the state in directing political, social and business movement. The significance of the state emerged principally from the hatred that pioneers of rightist developments felt for the capacity of the majority to assume any helpful part all alone. The over the top utilization of fantasy and purposeful publicity by rightist governments likewise underlines this proclivity of the tip top to think about the majority as artless and effectively drove groups. The utilization of legend was thought to have a significantly more grounded impact in stirring popular sentiment than the utilization of reason and rationale, be it to encourage faith in the idea of racial prevalence, the need for abuse of Jews, the noteworthiness of going to war, or for expanding creation in industrial facilities. While against Semitism achieved demoniacal extents in Nazi Germany, the significance of racial immaculateness and prevalence was additionally apparent in Italy, where minorities individuals, as opposed to Jews, were focused for oppression. While one party rule, in essence, depended on the particular esteem frameworks expounded in the former para, the extraordinary right developments that rose in Europe in the 1980s were impacted by certain contemporaneous advancements that brought about a few changes to the conventional approach. Conservative fanaticism, however still not a genuine danger, has increased huge acknowledgment in the ongoing past in nations like France, Germany, Austria, Belgium and Italy. Le Pen scored exceptionally well in the French presidential races of 2003. Numerous European outrageous right gatherings, for instance, the Flaams Blok in Belgium, the Alleanza Nazionale and Lega Nord in Italy and the FPO in Austria have prevailing with regards to expanding their appointive base. Germany and Austria, specifically, have seen solid development in the improvement of neo rightist help. Since unification, a savage xenophobic youth culture and an extraordinary right development with neo-Nazi edges have grabbed hold and spread in Germany, particularly in the conditions of the previous GDR, incidentally, they built up alleged broadly freed zones in which they attempt to seize power and expert by methods for maintained savagery, and they are bolstered by intermittent provincial discretionary victories.  The political advancement of the new right contrasts from nation to nation. In Europe, it seems to have moved far from traditional neofascism to right off the bat, consolidate disdain against migration and weakening of social legacy in its motivation, and also, utilize fair portrayal to push for hostile to migration approaches, in light of patriot and populist feelings. As indicated by (Piero) Ignazi, the new extraordinary right politically implies, verbalizes and effectively assembles an once in the past quiet counter-insurgency of an arrival to tyrant patriot and traditional good qualities, coordinated against socially pluralized, postmaterial libertarian esteems, individualized ways of life, and postindustrial sociocultural modernization. In 2000, Jorg Haider's FPO turned into Austria's second most grounded political power. In addition, the gathering additionally prevailing with regards to entering government, though as a lesser accomplice; the main instance of intensity going to the hands of the extraordinary right in a West European nation after the annihilation of the Italian and German administrations. In an express that views itself as one of the greatest casualties of Nazism, the FNP and the FPO, the two gatherings that have a place with the extraordinary right, construct their discretionary interest in light of a blend of ethnic pride, national character, xenophobia, and against Semitism. It is apropos to take note of that Austria has additionally needed to confront critical increments in movement, legitimate and unlawful, after the fall of the iron window ornament and the breaking down of the Soviet Union. Cas Mudde, who in his book, "The Ideology of the Extreme Right" has made a definite examination of five rightist gatherings, presumes that four highlights, worked around the center of patriotism, shape the pith of conservative extremism. The state should execute an approach of inner homogenization and make a mono-social society through the expulsion of outsiders The world view is characterized by an inescapable xenophobia, in which anything diverse apparently is undermining and incorporates outside and inner foes All gatherings examined bolster a type of financial welfare hawkishness All around requested network life is fundamental for the security of residents and society. Roger Eatwell states that notwithstanding utilizing xenophobic uncertainties, extraordinary right gatherings likewise endeavor to expansive base their allure by supporting convention and conservatism in social life. Unquestionably extraordinary right gatherings have a tendency to protect customary qualities. The FPÖ, for instance, created in the late 1990s the possibility of a Kinder Scheck, a type of new youngster advantage intended to help keep ladies in the home (already welfare programs had not figured in FPÖ crusades, other than through its weight on worker parasites). They additionally have a tendency to be unfriendly to types of sexual freedom, for example, homosexuality. Extraordinary right gatherings additionally have a tendency to be patriot, in spite of the fact that an outstanding minority stresses ethno regionalism as the essential wellspring of recognizable proof (the homogenous, generally constrained geographic area is regularly depicted as a 'characteristic' as opposed to bureaucratic obstruction to immigration) The extraordinary ideal, in the 1920s and as of late, has worked principally on the frailties of individuals who feel debilitated and uncertain by apparently wild social, natural and financial improvements. This happens, for the most part by utilizing paranoid ideas and by anticipating social logical inconsistencies onto an impalpable and murky adversary. These belief systems keep on appealing to the social suspicion of undermined sub-bunches by anticipating the advantages of an all around requested tyrant world inhabited by ethnic and patriot networks over the various vulnerabilities and social difficulties raised by democratization, the execution of all inclusive qualities and modernisation of culture and society. 3. Conclusion It has turned out to be progressively apparent that electorates have not possessed the capacity to totally dismiss extraordinary right belief systems, even after the alienations stored on them after the Second World War. Extraordinary right belief systems keep on existing, not simply under the tyrannies of dictators like Idi Amin, yet additionally in the fair and well-off economies of Western Europe. Neofascism takes quite a bit of its motivation from the rightist speculations of the 1920s, when individuals were excited on the stages of prevalence of race, production of predominant men, anticommunism and fancies of patriot glory. Current belief system keeps on worrying upon the significance of ethnicity, if not race, and for the most part all outrageous right philosophies unite in their point of expelling untouchables. While the idea of the legendary perfect man isn't thought of, any more, as a genuine probability, outrageous right belief systems take a shot at a feeling of ethnic patriotism, the longing for homogenization, and the relative security of a dictator and socially preservationist state, administered astutely by an intense and capable pioneer. Extraordinary right developments have not turned out to be sufficiently intense to catch power and run governments, the special case being Austria where the FPO takes an interest in Government as a minority accomplice. As the philosophies of outrageous right gatherings are as yet confined to fiery talk, it is hard to anticipate the changes these belief systems may need to experience, when looked with the genuine and naturally globalized and democratized world. An illustrative case is the situation of the FPO in Austria where the gathering, delegated a ghetto party in the late fifties, made significant discretionary progress and joined government, yet even with furious resistance from numerous EU states; who held hands to keep the FPO pioneer Jorg Haider out of office. Usually learning that amid the period the gathering was out of intensity its political position was definitely not mindful. The FPÖ picked a forceful crusading style and utilized political talk that was regularly unbridled. Its center appointive issues included political debasement, over-foreignization (Überfremdung), (settler) culpability, the claimed egotism of the EU and a festival of the probably model estimations of the 'little man'. The way that amid this period the FPÖ had no political duty at all for national legislative issues and was rejected by its rivals as subjectively unacceptable for government (not minimum decisively on account of the over the top idea of its battling style), just made everything the simpler for the gathering continually to take part in untrustworthy discretionary outbidding of the then representing parties. Strikingly, the FPO has lost a considerable measure of help after it joined government. While this may conceivably be because of the way that legislative duty has required a conditioning down of unreliable talk, specialists feel that the droop in ubiquity could likewise be because of the open threatening vibe appeared by the other EU states to the FPO's interest in government in Austria.>GET ANSWER