This hopelessness for the future appears to stem from Virgil’s own cynical view of human nature, as can be seen in the myth of Hercules and Cacus. In essence a tale of a hero and a monster, and of archetypal good and bad, Virgil’s description casts an unnerving similarity between the two as both are described as incredibly violent and rabid with furor. This, therefore, causes us to question whether Virgil truly endorses Aeneas, who is also seen as incredibly violent in battle, and the new emperor he represents. Supporting this is the description of Aeneas and Mezentius’ battle in Book 10 where the tale of Hercules and Cacus is literally mirrored as ‘Mezentius rode around [Aeneas] three times’ (10.886), recalling Hercules’ three trips around Mount Aventine in anger (8.231-232). This similarity disturbingly places Aeneas, our supposed hero, in the place of the monster Cacus and contradicts the many positive descriptions of Aeneas, causing us to believe that Virgil had mixed opinions about Augustus and the new empire: this use of myth shows he had hopes for the peace one ruler could bring, yet was cynical of the destruction human nature could cause. Book 8 also sees the pinnacle of Virgil’s use of myth and history in the description of Aeneas’ resplendent shield. Crafted by the fire god Vulcan it is a clear echo of Achilles’ own shield from The Iliad and another allusion to Homer. However, on one hand, while Homer chooses to depict the entire world, including the earth, oceans, heavens, stars, and human life; Hephaestus engraves Achilles’ shield with the pleasures of peace as Homer strives to remind his hero of what he is fighting for. Virgil, on the other hand, chooses to engrave Aeneas’ shield with a memorialization of Rome’s military victory, and her success in conflict as well as peace, as he prophesises Rome’s history.[5] This is due to the context of The Aeneid. Written soon after the Battle of Actium where Augustus put an end to the strife of civil war in Rome, becoming the first emperor, The Aeneid reflects this recent shift in power; the description of Aeneas’ shield in particular. Primarily, Virgil’s language choice, namely in characterisation, is important in establishing this Homeric relation and political undercurrent. For example, his description of Augustus sees the new emperor’s association with the divine increasingly emphasised; the gods themselves are listed in the description of his followers, indicating that he has the divine right to rule, and his recent success at Actium as determined by the gods. Also, Augustus is physically elevated in this image, and is therefore physically closer to Olympus. Similarly he is described as wearing a ‘double flame’ and ‘his father’s star’ (8.682). On one hand this associates him with Ascanius who, in Book 2, is blessed by the gods with a halo of holy fire, this portent followed by a second: a star sent by the gods. This similarity, while supporting Jupiter’s prophecy in Book 1 that Ascanius will establish the seeds of a power that, eventually, will become Rome, further emphasises Augustus’ right to rule. Also, the inclusion of ‘his father’s star’ alludes to his adoption of Julius Caesar’s name, and emphasises his legitimacy. Essentially, the description of Augustus is steeped in social and political context with the intention of establishing his sovereignty, suggesting that there was possible unrest in his early years of power. This description, notably Augustus’ relationship to the gods, sees Virgil’s focussing on highlighting Augustus’ power, and the legitimacy of that power. Similarly, Virgil’s description of Antony informs us of the social and political background of The Aeneid. Introduced as ‘in triumph from the shores of the Red Sea’ (8.688-689), Antony is portrayed positively, which, as Augustus’ rival, is peculiar. Also, he describes their conflict as ‘mountains were colliding with mountains’ (8.694), associating both with the seemingly-immortal strength of Homeric heroes, and indicating that they are equals in power. Also, contextually, there was no honour in fighting a fellow Roman, and Virgil avoids this in his glorification of Augustus by undermining Antony’s involvement. Virgil achieves this by using active verbs to describe Cleopatra, and while she is described as ‘summon[ing] her warships’ and ‘calling for winds’ (8.698-708), her role in the battle eclipses Antony’s. This has the effect of giving Rome a common enemy: the woman and the foreigner. This in itself associates Cleopatra with Dido, also a foreign queen, who, throughout her relationship with Aeneas, is portrayed as deterring his progress, and therefore, deterring the progress of Rome. Furthermore, Cleopatra’s description echoes that of Dido. Called ‘his Egyptian wife’ or th>