1. Firstly, describe what is ionising radiation, what is radioactivity, what modes (types) we know, what they have common, what are the differences between them, how they interact when passing through some medium – in general, from the physical point of view (quantities, units, constants, formulas) – about 15 – 20 normalised pages of text. Concentrate more on those types of radiation, dosimetry, devices… that are used in medicine.
2. Continue with radiation dosimeters – what types can be used, how they work – principles, individual monitoring, where are they used – about 10 – 15 normalised pages of text.
3. Then continue with dosimetry principles, quantities and units (formulas) – about 10 normalised pages of text.
4. Next step will be biological effects of ionizing radiation and radiation safety and protection – irradiation in medical diagnostics and treatment, background radiation, occupational, medical and public exposure, limits in slovakia / european union – about 10 – 15 normalized pages of text.
In this exposition I address the claim that the reliance school sees improvement from a Third World perspective. I center around two reliance scholars, André Gunder Frank and Fernando Henrique Cardoso, as an approach to analyze such an announcement. In the first place, I depict reliance hypothesis in a chronicled setting and also by and large terms, keeping in mind the end goal to unmistakably arrange the school inside Third World talk. Second, I analyze the particular hypothetical attributes of Frank's speculations, and a portion of its feedback and how they identify with Third World issues. Third, I talk about Cardoso's grant in connection both to the reliance school and to Frank's exploration by underscoring his hypothetical uniqueness from standard reliance hypothesis. Next, I similarly examine Frank and Cardoso's hypotheses in connection to a general dialog on reliance and improvement. All in all, I audit the reasons why the reliance school consolidates a Third World point of view, especially a Latin American viewpoint. All through this article I allude to 'reliance hypothesis', yet I might want to bring up, as Roxborough (1979) has focused on, that instead of review the thought of reliance as a "particular hypothesis" or a "hypothesis of reliance" it be viewed as a worldview (p.43). This is on account of there are numerous contending speculations and meanings of reliance and also a few chronicled scholarly moves and amendments among reliance researchers (Hout, 1993). The reliance school of advancement is likewise dynamically alluded to as the 'structuralist', 'world economy' and 'underdevelopment' schools (Bosch, 1997). It has its foundations in hypothetical level headed discussions talking about free enterprise and Marxism (Gardner and Lewis 1996; Chilcote 1981; Roxborough, 1979; Frank, 1967). The soonest talks rising up out of the reliance school can be followed to the ECLA (Economic Commission of Latin America), set up by the United Nations in 1948 whereby a radical gathering of researchers inspected the disparities of North-South relations and exchange. This enclave of researchers particularly centered around Latin American issues and the mystery of why these nations so wealthy in regular assets are so financially poor. The requirement for the ECLA gathering emerged from a scholarly and political response toward the powerlessness of Latin American nations to end the "colonialist redirecting of the surplus esteem delivered by their regular workers", subsequently, the relationship of reliance hypothesis with a Third World point of view (Johnson 1981, p. 58). The ECLA scholars contended that Latin American nations are subjected to a worldwide framework that controls and controls them from past their own particular fringes (Staniland, 1985). These thoughts, additionally, offered an evaluate of modernisation hypotheses that view less created nations as far as a transformative procedure whereby industrialization and financial advancement are viewed as stages that they should experience keeping in mind the end goal to accomplish higher salaries and expectations for everyday comforts. Interestingly, reliance hypothesis sees less created nations as coming about because of conditions produced by a more extensive worldwide arrangement of abuse set inside more extensive social and verifiable procedures (Bilton et al., 1996). The hypothetical verbal confrontations encompassing reliance hypothesis pivot upon the focal thought that it is inconsequential to contemplate the improvement of Third World social orders in confinement from more created nations. Level headed discussions facilitate the thought that western private enterprise in the industrialized world is based upon its capacity to overwhelm and control the assets of non-mechanical less created nations and should along these lines manage its predominant position to propel its own particular advantages. The recorded reason for such control is the huge aggregation of capital that happened amid colonization and the mechanical transformation. The continuation of such mastery comes to pass through neo-imperialism. All things considered, reliance scholars basically center around the political structures that shape the connections between the First and Third World (Staniland, 1985). This principle precept of reliance hypothesis is firmly attached to what is generally refereed to as 'world frameworks hypothesis', built up by Immanual Wallerstein. Truth be told, 'world frameworks hypothesis', is generally seen as an adjustment or expansion of the reliance school (Chirot and Hall, 1982). Wallerstein (1974) sees the world as an interrelated framework, a world-economy, whereby every nation is seen as far as its relationship to the entirety. It is decisively through a world frameworks investigation that ideas of 'First" and 'Third' universes have emerged as an approach to depict the synchronous separation and interdependency of particular parts. Reliance hypothesis recommends that the Third World "isn't common, however made through monetary and political processes"(Gardner and Lewis 1996, p.17). Like reliance hypothesis, 'world frameworks hypothesis' is regularly reprimanded for being excessively deterministic (Staniland, 1985). Two of the most conspicuous reliance scholars are André Gunder Frank and Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Straight to the point and Cardoso are both ECLA researchers and related with Latin American issues and the reliance school to the degree that they are regularly alluded to as 'dependistas'. Straight to the point (1967) presented the prevalent term 'the improvement of underdevelopment' and composed particularly about how "the local, political and social structure of Chile was and still stays decided most importantly by the reality and particular nature of its support on the planet entrepreneur framework" (p.29). His work likewise endeavored to address a noteworthy hole in the ECLA dialogs: the part of class interests inside Third World nations in making cycles of reliance. To do this, Frank built up the thought of city satellite connections whereby free enterprise delivers a created focus and its immature peripheries. He indicated that the ties amongst city and satellite can likewise speak to joins between cutting edge capital urban communities and their hinterlands. This allegorical twofold intends to look at the connections amongst industrialized and non-industrialized nations. In spite of the fact that revisionist reliance scholars currently allude to these as center outskirts connections, this allegory still structures the reason for some contemporary scrutinizes of worldwide free enterprise. As per this view, the peripheries supply shabby crude materials and work profoundly. Consequently, the center supplies them with out of date innovations, fabricated merchandise and obligation. This outcomes in fringe economies being focused toward the outside whereby assets stream toward the center and, thusly, keep on flowing toward the more predominant financial interests of different centers. Private enterprise apparently necessitates the center fringe division for the productive designation of assets for overwhelming nations. . Notwithstanding, Frank's deliberate spotlight on class interests, he disregards inquiries of class arrangement and conduct. In his investigation, the stream of assets between the unique city and satellite locales takes social classes as a given without particularly dissecting their structures and parts in adding to an arrangement of control. Thus, in Frank's investigation, spatial relations are conflated with social class relations, an argumentative point in reactions of his work (Chilcote, 1981; Cardoso, 1972; Laclau, 1971). At the end of the day, the move of significant worth from satellite to city can't generally be seen as an indistinguishable wonder to that of the misuse of work (Roxborough, 1979). Another point that incited much editorial in Frank's investigation of Latin American underdevelopment was his claim that Latin America has been an entrepreneur society as far back as the sixteenth century. For Ernesto Laclau (1971), an Argentinian researcher, Frank had misread Marx's meaning of free enterprise and was in this manner erroneously lessening private enterprise to a simple condition of trade and venture precluding the similarly imperative accentuation on methods of creation. This was especially essential concerning work since, around then, much work in Latin America comprised of servitude and obligation peonage and additionally other pre-industrialist frames. Laclau does not scrutinize the start that at the season of colonization, showcase economies wound up tied in with those of First World nations; his fundamental point is that the cooperation of a nation in a world financial framework does not really render it as being free enterprise. In that capacity, he shows that Frank perplexes the creation of wares with the commoditization of work, a feedback which drove Frank to reconsider his work. Fernando Henrique Cardoso, a Latin American humanist who later filled in as the President of Brazil, draws ties between reliance hypothesis and imperialism. Using crafted by Leninist speculations, Cardoso (1972) influences parallels with the reliance to class over their common utilization of the term 'reliance' and their mutual perceptions about how colonialism assists the entrepreneur plan and requires monetary mastery over less created nations. Cardoso's examination endeavored to address those issues of social class that the reliance school had professedly disregarded. He took a gander at the social and monetary as being inseparably integrated, expressing, for example, that "a financial class or gathering attempts to set up through the social procedure an arrangement of social relations that licenses it to force on the whole society a social type of generation much the same as its own particular advantages" (on the same page, p. 15). Cardoso went past the city/satellite analogy and the apparent asymmetry amongst First and Third Worlds by looking at the political, financial and social connections between the prevailing neighborhood social classes inside and amongst Third and First World nations (Cardoso and Faletto, 1979). For Cardoso, "political foundations at a given minute must be completely comprehended regarding the structures of control in light of the fact that these express the class int>GET ANSWER