uably the most significant constitutional implication of the Withdrawal act, due to its possible long-term impact, is the impact on the UK’s territorial constitution. The Withdrawal Bill was subject to mass criticism due to it giving all retained EU law to the UK government and giving the devolved governments no authority to alter retained EU law. The original intention of this was to ensure that UK wide arrangements, that are currently granted by EU law, would not be compromised by leaving the EU. Due to allegations of a ‘power-grab’, the Bill was changed. The Act sets out that powers will return to the devolved administrations except in areas where UK ministers use statutory interments to prevent it. To ensure this ministerial power does not go unchecked, devolved legislatures are to be consulted before such regulations are made. However, the devolved governments cannot block UK ministers from limiting devolved powers, signalling a change to our constitutional understanding of the division of powers in the UK. The Scottish Parliament refused to grant its consent to the Withdrawal Act under the Sewel Convention, which states that the UK parliament “will not normally legislate with regard to devolved matters without consent” of the devolved parliaments. A convention is not legally enforceable so the UK Parliament enacted the Withdrawal Act in spite of the refusal. This could potentially have long term implications for the constitution on an immense obdurate scale as it could potentially strengthen the agenda and increase support for a second Scottish Independence Referendum as a result of the UK government ignoring the Scottish Parliament at such a crucial point in time. There is no doubt that the European Union (Withdrawal) Act will change the UK constitution and reshape the understanding of the current constitutional order. The balance of powers is set to become heavily weighted to the UK parliament – more specifically the government itself. The basic categorisation of laws will change with the addition of EU retained law. The doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty may become more obvious in lawmaking as the doctrine of EU supremacy begins to fade from the constitution (which will take some time). The courts will feel an impact when they try to make sense of the often ambiguous and vague nature of the Act and the relationship between the UK Parliament and the devolved government – especially that of the Scottish Parliament – could suffer from bad relations which could result in a complete reshaping of the territorial constitution.>